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Before the invasion, the Kuwaiti military was believed to have numbered 16, men, arranged into three armored, one mechanised infantry and one under-strength artillery brigade.
By , at the end of the Iran—Iraq war, the Iraqi Army was the world's fourth largest army, consisting of , standing soldiers and , paramilitary forces in the Popular Army.
Iraqi commandos infiltrated the Kuwaiti border first to prepare for the major units, which began the attack at midnight. The Iraqi attack had two prongs, with the primary attack force driving south straight for Kuwait City down the main highway, and a supporting attack force entering Kuwait farther west, but then turning and driving east, cutting off Kuwait City from the country's southern half.
The commander of a Kuwaiti armored battalion, 35th Armoured Brigade , deployed them against the Iraqi attack and conducted a robust defense at the Battle of the Bridges near Al Jahra , west of Kuwait City.
A few combat sorties were flown against Iraqi ground forces. The main Iraqi thrust into Kuwait City was conducted by commandos deployed by helicopters and boats to attack the city from the sea, while other divisions seized the airports and two airbases.
Within 12 hours, most resistance had ended within Kuwait, and the royal family had fled, allowing Iraq to control most of Kuwait.
The Emir and key ministers fled south along the highway for refuge in Saudi Arabia. Iraqi ground forces consolidated their control of Kuwait City, then headed south and redeployed along the Saudi border.
After the decisive Iraqi victory, Saddam initially installed a puppet regime known as the " Provisional Government of Free Kuwait " before installing his cousin Ali Hassan al-Majid as Kuwait's governor on 8 August.
In response, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad al-Sabah ruled the banknotes as invalid and refused to reimburse stolen notes, which became worthless because of a UN embargo.
After the conflict ended, many of the stolen banknotes made their way back into circulation. Today, the stolen banknotes are a collectible for numismatists.
Kuwaitis founded a local armed resistance movement following the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait. A key element of US political, military and energy economic planning occurred in early The Iran—Iraq war had been going on for five years by that time and both sides sustained significant casualties, reaching into the hundreds of thousands.
Within President Ronald Reagan 's National Security Council concern was growing that the war could spread beyond the boundaries of the two belligerents.
It was determined that the conflict would likely spread into Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, but that the United States had little capability to defend the region.
Furthermore, it was determined that a prolonged war in the region would induce much higher oil prices and threaten the fragile recovery of the world economy, which was just beginning to gain momentum.
The full declassified presentation can be seen here:  The conclusions were threefold: first, oil stocks needed to be increased among members of the International Energy Agency and, if necessary, released early if the oil market was disrupted; second, the United States needed to beef up the security of friendly Arab states in the region; and third, an embargo should be placed on sales of military equipment to Iran and Iraq.
The plan was implemented and became the basis for US preparedness to respond to the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in Within hours of the invasion, Kuwait and US delegations requested a meeting of the UN Security Council , which passed Resolution , condemning the invasion and demanding a withdrawal of Iraqi troops.
On 6 August, Resolution placed economic sanctions on Iraq. It said the "use of measures commensurate to the specific circumstances as may be necessary The US administration had at first been indecisive with an "undertone Once persuaded, US officials insisted on a total Iraqi pullout from Kuwait, without any linkage to other Middle Eastern problems, accepting the British view that any concessions would strengthen Iraqi influence in the region for years to come.
On 12 August , Saddam "propose[d] that all cases of occupation, and those cases that have been portrayed as occupation, in the region, be resolved simultaneously".
Specifically, he called for Israel to withdraw from occupied territories in Palestine, Syria, and Lebanon, Syria to withdraw from Lebanon, and "mutual withdrawals by Iraq and Iran and arrangement for the situation in Kuwait.
Additionally, he requested an "immediate freeze of all boycott and siege decisions" and a general normalization of relations with Iraq. On 23 August, Saddam appeared on state television with Western hostages to whom he had refused exit visas.
In the video, he asks a young British boy, Stuart Lockwood, whether he is getting his milk, and goes on to say, through his interpreter, "We hope your presence as guests here will not be for too long.
Your presence here, and in other places, is meant to prevent the scourge of war. The official communicated to the White House that Iraq would "withdraw from Kuwait and allow foreigners to leave" provided that the UN lifted sanctions, allowed "guaranteed access to the Persian Gulf through the Kuwaiti islands of Bubiyan and Warbah", and allowed Iraq to "gain full control of the Rumaila oil field that extends slightly into Kuwaiti territory".
The proposal also "include[d] offers to negotiate an oil agreement with the United States 'satisfactory to both nations' national security interests,' develop a joint plan 'to alleviate Iraq's economical and financial problems' and 'jointly work on the stability of the gulf.
On 29 November , the Security Council passed Resolution , which gave Iraq until 15 January to withdraw from Kuwait, and empowered states to use "all necessary means" to force Iraq out of Kuwait after the deadline.
In December , Iraq made a proposal to withdraw from Kuwait provided that foreign troops left the region and that an agreement was reached regarding the Palestinian problem and the dismantlement of both Israel's and Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.
The White House rejected the proposal. Ultimately, the US and UK stuck to their position that there would be no negotiations until Iraq withdrew from Kuwait and that they should not grant Iraq concessions, lest they give the impression that Iraq benefited from its military campaign.
On 14 January , France proposed that the UN Security Council call for "a rapid and massive withdrawal" from Kuwait along with a statement to Iraq that Council members would bring their "active contribution" to a settlement of the region's other problems, "in particular, of the Arab—Israeli conflict and in particular to the Palestinian problem by convening, at an appropriate moment, an international conference" to assure "the security, stability and development of this region of the world.
One of the West's main concerns was the significant threat Iraq posed to Saudi Arabia. Following Kuwait's conquest, the Iraqi Army was within easy striking distance of Saudi oil fields.
Control of these fields, along with Kuwaiti and Iraqi reserves, would have given Saddam control over the majority of the world's oil reserves.
Iraq also had a number of grievances with Saudi Arabia. The Saudis had backed Iraq in that war, as they feared the influence of Shia Iran's Islamic revolution on its own Shia minority.
After the war, Saddam felt he should not have to repay the loans due to the help he had given the Saudis by fighting Iran. Soon after his conquest of Kuwait, Saddam began verbally attacking the Saudis.
He argued that the US-supported Saudi state was an illegitimate and unworthy guardian of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.
He combined the language of the Islamist groups that had recently fought in Afghanistan with the rhetoric Iran had long used to attack the Saudis.
Bush quickly announced that the US would launch a "wholly defensive" mission to prevent Iraq from invading Saudi Arabia, under the codename Operation Desert Shield.
The operation began on 7 August , when US troops were sent to Saudi Arabia, due also to the request of its monarch, King Fahd , who had earlier called for US military assistance.
Military buildup continued from there, eventually reaching , troops, twice the number used in the invasion of Iraq. Much of the material was airlifted or carried to the staging areas via fast sealift ships , allowing a quick buildup.
Resolution , passed on 29 November gave Iraq a withdrawal deadline until 15 January , and authorized "all necessary means to uphold and implement Resolution ", and a diplomatic formulation authorizing the use of force if Iraq failed to comply.
The first stop was Saudi Arabia, which a month before had already granted permission to the United States to use its facilities.
However, Baker believed that Saudi Arabia should assume some of the cost of the military efforts to defend it. The next day, 7 September, he did just that, and the Emir of Kuwait , displaced in a Sheraton hotel outside his invaded country, easily agreed.
Baker then moved to enter talks with Egypt, whose leadership he considered "the moderate voice of the Middle East". President Mubarak of Egypt was furious with Saddam for his invasion of Kuwait, and for the fact that Saddam had assured Mubarak that an invasion was not his intention.
Assad had a deep personal enmity towards Saddam, which was defined by the fact that "Saddam had been trying to kill him [Assad] for years.
This was a vital step in ensuring Arab states were represented in the coalition. In exchange, Washington gave Syrian dictator President Hafez al-Assad the green light to wipe out forces opposing Syria's rule in Lebanon and arranged for weapons valued at a billion dollars to be provided to Syria, mostly through Gulf states.
Baker flew to Rome for a brief visit with the Italians in which he was promised the use of some military equipment, before journeying to Germany to meet with American ally Chancellor Kohl.
Although Germany's constitution which was brokered essentially by the United States prohibited military involvement in outside nations, Kohl committed a two billion dollar contribution to the coalition's war effort, as well as further economic and military support of coalition ally Turkey, and the transportation of Egyptian soldiers and ships to the Persian Gulf.
It was the largest coalition since World War II. The Soviet Union condemned Baghdad's aggression against Kuwait, but did not support the United States and allied intervention in Iraq and tried to avert it.
Many of the coalition countries were reluctant to commit military forces. Some felt that the war was an internal Arab affair or did not want to increase US influence in the Middle East.
In the end, however, many nations were persuaded by Iraq's belligerence towards other Arab states, offers of economic aid or debt forgiveness, and threats to withhold aid.
The US and the UN gave several public justifications for involvement in the conflict, the most prominent being the Iraqi violation of Kuwaiti territorial integrity.
In addition, the US moved to support its ally Saudi Arabia, whose importance in the region, and as a key supplier of oil, made it of considerable geopolitical importance.
During a speech in a special joint session of the US Congress given on 11 September , US President George Bush summed up the reasons with the following remarks: "Within three days, , Iraqi troops with tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia.
It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression. The Pentagon stated that satellite photos showing a buildup of Iraqi forces along the border were this information's source, but this was later alleged to be false.
A reporter for the St. Petersburg Times acquired two commercial Soviet satellite images made at the time, which showed nothing but empty desert. Other justifications for foreign involvement included Iraq's history of human rights abuses under Saddam.
Iraq was also known to possess biological weapons and chemical weapons , which Saddam had used against Iranian troops during the Iran—Iraq War and against his own country's Kurdish population in the Al-Anfal campaign.
Iraq was also known to have a nuclear weapons program, but the report about it from January was partially declassified by the CIA on 26 May Although the Iraqi military committed human rights abuses during the invasion, the alleged incidents that received the most publicity in the US were fabrications of the public relations firm hired by the government of Kuwait to persuade Americans to support military intervention.
Among many other means of influencing US opinion, such as distributing books on Iraqi atrocities to US soldiers deployed in the region, "Free Kuwait" T-shirts and speakers to college campuses, and dozens of video news releases to television stations, the firm arranged for an appearance before a group of members of the US Congress in which a young woman identifying herself as a nurse working in the Kuwait City hospital described Iraqi soldiers pulling babies out of incubators and letting them die on the floor.
The story helped tip both the public and Congress towards a war with Iraq: six Congressmen said the testimony was enough for them to support military action against Iraq and seven Senators referenced the testimony in debate.
The Senate supported the military actions in a 52—47 vote. However, a year after the war, this allegation was revealed to be a fabrication.
The young woman who had testified was found to be a member of Kuwait's Royal Family and the daughter of Kuwait's ambassador to the US.
This prompted a reexamination by Amnesty International , which had originally promoted an account alleging even greater numbers of babies torn from incubators than the original fake testimony.
After finding no evidence to support it, the organization issued a retraction. President Bush then repeated the incubator allegations on television.
In reality, the Iraqi Army did commit various well-documented crimes during its occupation of Kuwait, such as the summary execution without trial of three brothers, after which their bodies were stacked and left to decay in a public street.
The Gulf War began with an extensive aerial bombing campaign on 16 January For 42 consecutive days and nights, the coalition forces subjected Iraq to one of the most intensive air bombardments in military history.
The coalition flew over , sorties , dropping 88, tonnes of bombs,  which widely destroyed military and civilian infrastructure. A day after the deadline set in Resolution , the coalition launched a massive air campaign, which began the general offensive codenamed Operation Desert Storm.
The priority was the destruction of Iraq's Air Force and anti-aircraft facilities. The next targets were command and communication facilities.
Saddam Hussein had closely micromanaged Iraqi forces in the Iran—Iraq War, and initiative at lower levels was discouraged.
Coalition planners hoped that Iraqi resistance would quickly collapse if deprived of command and control. The air campaign's third and largest phase targeted military targets throughout Iraq and Kuwait: Scud missile launchers, weapons research facilities, and naval forces.
About a third of the coalition's air power was devoted to attacking Scuds, some of which were on trucks and therefore difficult to locate. US and British special operations forces had been covertly inserted into western Iraq to aid in the search for and destruction of Scuds.
Iraqi anti-aircraft defenses, including man-portable air-defense systems , were surprisingly ineffective against enemy aircraft, and the coalition suffered only 75 aircraft losses in over , sorties, 44 due to Iraqi action.
Two of these losses are the result of aircraft colliding with the ground while evading Iraqi ground-fired weapons.
Iraq's government made no secret that it would attack if invaded. Foreign Minister, if war starts Five hours after the first attacks, Iraq's state radio broadcast declared that "The dawn of victory nears as this great showdown begins.
These missile attacks were to continue throughout the war. Iraq fired 88 Scud missiles during the war's seven weeks. Iraq hoped to provoke a military response from Israel.
The Iraqi government hoped that many Arab states would withdraw from the Coalition, as they would be reluctant to fight alongside Israel.
Israel prepared to militarily retaliate, as its policy for the previous 40 years had always been retaliation. However, President Bush pressured Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir not to retaliate and withdraw Israeli jets, fearing that if Israel attacked Iraq, the other Arab nations would either desert the coalition or join Iraq.
It was also feared that if Israel used Syrian or Jordanian airspace to attack Iraq, they would intervene in the war on Iraq's side or attack Israel.
The coalition promised to deploy Patriot missiles to defend Israel if it refrained from responding to the Scud attacks.
The Scud missiles targeting Israel were relatively ineffective, as firing at extreme range resulted in a dramatic reduction in accuracy and payload.
According to the Jewish Virtual Library , Iraqi attacks killed 74 Israelis: two directly and the rest from suffocation and heart attacks.
As a result, Israel's government issued gas masks to its citizens. When the first Iraqi missiles hit Israel, some people injected themselves with an antidote for nerve gas.
It has been suggested that the sturdy construction techniques used in Israeli cities, coupled with the fact that Scuds were only launched at night, played an important role in limiting the number of casualties from Scud attacks.
In response to the threat of Scuds on Israel, the US rapidly sent a Patriot missile air defense artillery battalion to Israel along with two batteries of MIM Patriot missiles for the protection of civilians.
The Dutch Defense Ministry later stated that the military use of the Patriot missile system was largely ineffective, but its psychological value for the affected populations was high.
Coalition air forces were also extensively exercised in "Scud hunts" in the Iraqi desert, trying to locate the camouflaged trucks before they fired their missiles at Israel or Saudi Arabia.
On the ground, special operations forces also infiltrated Iraq, tasked with locating and destroying Scuds - including the ill-fated Bravo Two Zero patrol of the SAS.
Once special operations were combined with air patrols, the number of attacks fell sharply, then increased slightly as Iraqi forces adjusted to coalition tactics.
As the Scud attacks continued, the Israelis grew increasingly impatient, and considered taking unilateral military action against Iraq. On 22 January , a Scud missile hit the Israeli city of Ramat Gan , after two coalition Patriots failed to intercept it.
Three elderly people suffered fatal heart attacks, another 96 people were injured, and 20 apartment buildings were damaged. At one point, Israeli commandos boarded helicopters prepared to fly into Iraq, but the mission was called off after a phone call from US Defense Secretary Dick Cheney, reporting on the extent of coalition efforts to destroy Scuds and emphasizing that Israeli intervention could endanger US forces.
In addition to the attacks on Israel, 47 Scud missiles were fired into Saudi Arabia, and one missile was fired at Bahrain and another at Qatar.
The missiles were fired at both military and civilian targets. One Saudi civilian was killed, and 78 others were injured. No casualties were reported in Bahrain or Qatar.
The Saudi government issued all its citizens and expatriates with gas masks [ citation needed ] in the event of Iraq using missiles with chemical or biological warheads.
The government broadcast alerts and 'all clear' messages over television to warn citizens during Scud attacks. On 29 January, Iraqi forces attacked and occupied the lightly defended Saudi city of Khafji with tanks and infantry.
Both sides suffered casualties, although Iraqi forces sustained substantially more dead and captured than the allied forces. Eleven Americans were killed in two separate friendly fire incidents, an additional 14 US airmen were killed when their AC gunship was shot down by an Iraqi surface-to-air missile, and two US soldiers were captured during the battle.
Saudi and Qatari forces had a total of 18 dead. Iraqi forces in Khafji had 60— dead and captured. The Battle of Khafji was an example of how air power could single-handedly hinder the advance of enemy ground forces.
Upon learning of Iraqi troop movements, coalition aircraft were diverted to attack an advancing column consisting of two armored divisions in battalion-sized units.
Precision stand-off attacks were conducted during the night and through to the next day. Iraqi vehicle losses included tanks, armored personnel carriers, and 89 mobile artillery pieces.
Some crews simply abandoned their vehicles upon realizing that they could be destroyed by guided bombs, stopping the divisions from massing for an organized attack on the town.
One Iraqi soldier, who had fought in the Iran—Iraq War, remarked that his brigade "had sustained more punishment from allied airpower in 30 minutes at Khafji than in eight years of fighting against Iran.
Task Force 1—41 was the first coalition force to breach the Saudi Arabian border on 15 February , and to conduct ground combat operations in Iraq engaging in direct and indirect fire fights with the enemy on 17 February This joint effort would become known as Task Force Iron.
On 15 February 4th Battalion of the 3rd Field Artillery Regiment fired on a trailer and a few trucks in the Iraqi sector observing American forces.
They were engaged with artillery fire from 4—3 FA. For the next hour the Task Force fought several small battles with Iraqi reconnaissance units.
The rest of the formation was destroyed or driven away by artillery fire from 4—3 FA. Task Force Infantry was the first coalition force to breach the Saudi Arabian border on 15 February and conduct ground combat operations in Iraq engaging in direct and indirect fire fights with the enemy on 17 February Around guns from multiple nations participated in the artillery barrage.
Two weeks later, however, Saddam Hussein delivered a speech in which he accused neighboring Kuwait of siphoning crude oil from their common border, claiming that Kuwait and Saudi Arabia were conspiring to keep oil prices low in an effort to pander to Western oil-buying nations.
Alarmed by these actions, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt initiated negotiations between Iraq and Kuwait, but Hussein broke off the negotiations after only two hours, and on August 2, ordered the invasion of Kuwait.
President George H. Bush immediately condemned the invasion, as did the governments of Britain and the Soviet Union. This lead to the United States leading a military coalition of 39 different countries after the United Nations had authorized the use of force in late Before conducting the military operation, the United States built-up troops in Saudi Arabia to deter Iraq from attacking yet another country.
In January of , the coalition troop build-up in Saudi Arabia had reached upwards of ,, ready to attack the Iraqi forces who had yet to withdraw from Kuwait.
To ensure the Iraqi army would be sufficiently weakened before launching the counter-invasion, the Coalition started a vicious aerial bombardment of Iraq as well as Iraqi forces in Kuwait.
The sustained air campaign from the Coalition targeted Iraqi air-defense systems, communications systems, government buildings, oil fields, and vital bridges and roads.
After just three days of the ground campaign, Kuwait was liberated and on February 27, , Coalition troops stopped attacking Iraqi forces after learning they were to comply with the original United Nations resolution.
April 6, , marked the day that Iraq accepted the terms of a cease-fire agreement and the First Gulf War formally ended. Iraqi no-fly zones conflict.
Persian Gulf Wars. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. January Retrieved 22 December Retrieved 15 August Archived from the original on 25 February Retrieved 25 January Retrieved 12 November Retrieved 15 September New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, p. Secretary of State Colin Powell's presentation to the U. Security Council on the U. Retrieved 16 October Retrieved 30 September Government Publishing Office.
Mission Accomplished? Appendix A. Bill Clinton. Hidden categories: CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown Wikipedia articles needing page number citations from April Pages with missing ISBNs All articles with dead external links Articles with dead external links from November Articles with permanently dead external links Articles with short description Short description is different from Wikidata Use dmy dates from December Articles to be expanded from January All articles to be expanded Articles using small message boxes Commons category link is on Wikidata.
Namespaces Article Talk. Even you will have to decide whether you want to team up or divide. In any case, your ultimate goal is to become the best general on Desert Operations!